2018 중등 임용 영어 기출분석 - 영어학

2018 영어학 기출분석 시작해봅니다.
원래 지난 주에 했어야 했는데, 문제풀이가 조금씩 밀리면서 암튼.. 지금에서야 하게 됨.
일을 미루면 미래의 내가 고생한다. ^^   
확실히 2019년도부터는 문제 비율이라든지 난이도가 뭐랄까.. 치우친 느낌?
2020년도 돼서야 전체적으로 평형화를 찾은 것 같다.

 

#A4 - Syllable Structure(antepenultimate)

It is well kknown in English that we get antepenultimate stress in nous of at least three syllables when the penultimate syllable is light. (1) antepenultimate syllable stressed           cinema, asterisk, America, Canada, animal When the penultimate syllable ends with a coda, or has a long vowel or a diphthong, stress, however, falls on that heavy penultimate syllable: (2) penultimate syllable stressed.       a. utensil, agenda, synopsis      b. aroma, horizon, arena In the above examples in (2a), it is clear that a syllable boundary seats itself between word-internal consonantal sequences such as -ns- (utensil), -nd- (agenda), and -ps- (synopsis), since English phonotactic constraint does not permit such consonantal sequences to occur as an onset cluster. However, the word-internal consonantal sequence -st- poses an interesting challenge for syllabification. Unlike the -ns-, -nd-, or -ps-, the -st- sequence could be an onset cluster (as in student, stupid) or a coda cluster (as in list, mist).

Noun은 디폴트로 penultimate에 stress. ➜a. penultimate + coda ➜b. penultimate이 long vowel과 diphthong.       [-roma][-raɪ-][-rin] ➜ Phonotactic constraint는 -ns-배열을 허용하지 않아.

• Fill in the blank with the ONE most appropriate word from the passage above. 

Considering the stress placement in the words given in (3) where -st- occurs, we can claim that the underlined s is in _______ position. (3) antepenultimate syllable stressed           amnesty, minister, pedestal

- s가 마지막 음절의 onset이니까, antepenult는 light syllable.

                           nucleus                     coda
   light             short vowel                     ∅
heavy      short/long/diphthong          有/∅/∅

* short vowel : lax vowel + [어+아]...ㅋㅋㅋ귀찮아서 이제 기호 안씀?
* long vowel : tesne vowel /i,e,u,o/ + /aɪ/ /aʊ/ /ɔɪ/ 

*æ는 short vowel이면서 lax vowel인데 2019 기출에서 æ는 lax 이지만 long한 duration을 갖는다고 문제로 나온 바 있음.

 

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#A5 - Phonology - Assimilation / Dissimilation

• Read the passage and fill in each blank with the ONE most appropriate word, respectively.

The examples in (1) show that word final consonant clusters formed by the addition of an inflectional suffix undergo voicing assimilation. (1)    cats         [kæts]         dogs         [dɔgz]         cans        [kænz]        bells         [bɛlz]         baked      [beɪkt]        popped     [pɑpt]         farmed    [fɑɹmd]       sealed       [sild]        The examples in (2) illustrate the voicing agreement patterns in word final consonant clusters of the underived lexical items.   (2) a. apse   [æps]  *[æpz]        adze     [ædz]    *[æds]          apt     [æpt]   *[æpd]       lift        [lɪft]       *[lɪfd]          act     [ækt]   *[ækd]        cast      [kæst]   *[kæsd]       b. mince  [mɪns]  *[mɪnz]     belch   [bɛltʃ]     *[bɛlʤ]         purse   [pəɹs]    *[pəɹz]      pump  [pʌmp]   *[pʌmb]         mint    [mɪnt]  *[mɪnd]     elk       [ɛlk]       *[ɛlg]        Unlike the lexical items with inflectional suffixes in (1), voicing agreement selectively occurs for the underived lexical items in (2). As can be seen in (2b), there are cases where clusters composed of ______ and ______ do not agree in voicing.

➜ (1) -s / -ed               ┗ cf) sipped [sɪp/t] : d가 아닌 t로 발음됨.                        morpheme boundary 에서는 voicing agreement 일어남. ➜ underived lexical item       ┗ original morpheme. ➜ voicing agreement (o) ➜ voicing agreement (x)     n   s            *sonorants *obstruents     ɹ    s     n   t     l    tʃ     m  p     l    k ➜(2) morpheme 안에의 서로 다른 voicing들은 voicing agreement 안일어난다.              ┗ cf) bent [bɛnt] : n 뒤인데도 d가 아닌 t 로.

AEP p. 49

 

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#A9 - syntax - scope of ambiguity라.

이 문제.. 어렵다...

 

There are expressions that are ambiguous because of scope interaction between a quantifier and another quantifier or between a quantifier and a negative expression. Consider the following sentences. (1)  a. Every boy likes a girl.       b. Every student respects a professor. Sentence (1a) and sentence (1b) are ambiguous because every boy and every student can have a wide scope over  a girl and a professor, and a girl and a professor can have a wide cope over every boy and every student respectively. (2)  a. Every student has not done their assignment       b. I have not eaten all the cookies. In (2a) and (2b), every student and all the cookies can have a wide scope over not, and not can have a wide scope over every student and all the cookies.

➜ wide scope은 문장에서 해당 표현에 의해 영향을 받는 영역이 넓다는 것. 그 표현이 가진 영향력(힘)이 강하다는 의미. Every boy > a girl : Every boy, 모든 각각의 소년이 가진 의미가 중시된다.➜ 모든 boy가 소녀를 한 명씩 좋아한다. Every boy < a girl:  소녀 한명이 존재한다는 의미가 중시됨.  ➜ 소녀를 모든 소년들이 좋아한다. Every student > not : 모든 각각의 학생들이 과제를 안함. Every student < not : 모든 학생이 숙제를 한 건 아니다. all the cookies > not : 쿠키를 전부 먹지 않았다. all the cookies < not : 쿠키를 전부 다 먹은 건 아니다.

• Sentence (3) below is ambiguous. Write TWO possible meanings of the sentence and state how its ambiguity can be explained in terms of cope interaction.

(3) Mary refused to visit every city that Tom visited.

- refused > every city : 모든 도시 방문을 전부 승낙한 것은 아니다.  (every의 의미조차 부정.) - refused < every city: Tom이 방문한 모든 도시들을 방문하는 것을  1) tom이 방문한 every city를 방문하는 걸 거절. 2)모-든 도시 방문을 승낙한 건 아니고 some만 방문.

1) Mary agreed to visit none of the cities that Tom visited
2) Mary agreed to visit some of the cities that Tom visited, but not all of them.

*every, all, not 부정의 quantifier가 붙으면 중의성은 딱 2개 생긴다.
Ⅰ. 부분부정
Ⅱ. 전체부정


[답안1]
One interpretation of sentence(3) is that Mary visited none of teh cities that Tom visited. In this case, 'every city' (that Tom visited) can have a wide scope over the verb 'refused', having the negative meaning.
The other interpretation is that Mary visited some of teh cities that Tom visited, but not all of thh cities. In terms of scope of interaction, the verb 'refused' can have a wide scope over 'every city'.

[답안2]
Write TWO possible meanings of the sentence
➜ When 'every city' has a wide scope over 'refuse', (3) means that Mary agreed to visit none of the cities that Tom visited. In contrast, when 'refuse' has a wide scope over 'every city', (3) means that Mary agreed to visit some of teh cities that Tom visited, but not all of them. 

 

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#A12 - Constituency

 

It is well known that coordinate conjunctions can conjoin constituents of the same grammatical category but cannot conjoin constituents of different grammatical categories, as exemplified in (1) and (2). (1) a. fond of a dog and afraid of a tiger      b. very slowly and very steadily      c. a princess of Denmark and a prince of the United Kingdom      d. I think that Mary liked poems and Susan novels.      e. I think that Mary likes poems and that Susan likes novels. (2) a. *like a dog and afraid of a tiger.      b. *slowly and the car      c. *a princess of Denmark and with long hair      d. *I believe Mary to be honest and that Susan is kind.      e. *I believe that Mary is honest and Susan to be kind. AP can conjoin with another AP, AdvP with another AdvP, NP or DP with another NP or DP, TP with another TP, and CP with another CP.        TP, meaning Tense Phrase, is a clause that does not include a complementizer like Mary likes poems in (3a). CP, meaning Complementizer Phrase, is a cluase that includes a complementizer. The embedded clause of sentence (3a) has the structure in (3b).  (3) a. I think that Mary likes poems.      b.

➜ I think that [ᵀᴾ Mary likes poems] and [ᵀᴾ Susan▲novels.]        ┗ gapping ➜ think [ᶜᵖ that Mary likes poems] and  [ᶜᵖ that Susan likes novels.]        ┗ CP와 CP 사이에서는 gapping 안 일어남! ➜ *I believe [ᵀᴾ Mary to be honest] and [ᶜᵖ that Susan is kind.]      e. *I believe [ᶜᵖ that Mary is honest] and [ᵀᴾ Susan to be kind.]

• State whether sentence (4) and sentence (5) can be conjoined with the coordinate conjunction but as in sentence (6). Then, explain why, identifying the grammatical category of sentence (4) and that of sentence (5).

(4) I am feeling thirsty. (5) Should I save my last cola till later? (6) I am feeling thirsty but should I save my last cola till later?

* null complementizer! (4) [ᶜᵖ ∅ I am feeling thirsty.] (5) [ᶜᵖ Should I save my last cola till later?]

[답안1]

First, sentence (4) and (5) can be conjoined with the coordinate conjunction 'but' as in sentence (6). 
Second, sentence (4) is a CP in that main clauses lacking an overt complementizer are CP constituents. Sentence (5) is also a CP as main clauses containing inverted auxiliary 'should' are CP constituents. Therefore, sentences (4) and (5) can be conjoined with the coordinate conjunction 'but' as they are constituents of the same grammatical category, CP.

[답안2]

Sentence(4) and sentence (5) can be conjoined with 'but' as sentence (6), because (4) and (5) havae the same grammatical category. (4) is CP as it has a null complementizer, and (5) is also CP as it has 'should' in C position. 

 

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#B1 - phonology - insertion vs. deletion

In a number of dialects of British English, a glide is inserted in certain environments, as shown in (1) and (2). (1) /j/ insertion      being                       /biɪŋ/                     [bijɪŋ]      my other (car)         /mɑɪʌðə/               [mɑɪjʌðə]      free a (prisoner)      /friə/                      [frijə]      enjoy ice cream      /ɛnʤɔɪɑɪskɹim/      [ɛnʤɔɪjɑɪskɹim] (2) /w/ insertion      sewer                     /suə/                      [suwə]      few arrests             /fjuəɹɛsts/               [fjuwəɹɛsts]      now or never         /nɑʊɔnɛvə/              [nɑʊwɔnɛvə]      go away                /goʊəweɪ/                [goʊwəweɪ]        However, in such dialects, glide insertion is not attested in the example in (3). Instead, /r/ is inserted. (3) No glide insertion      drawing              [dɹɔɹɪŋ]            *[dɹɔjɪŋ]            *[dɹɔwɪŋ]      ma and pa          [mɑɹənpɑ]       *[mɑjənpɑ]        *[mɑwənpɑ]      law and order     [lɔɹənɔdə]        *[lɔjənɔdə]        *[lɔwənɔdə]      media event       [midɪəɹɪvɛnt]    *[midɪəjɪvɛnt]    *[midɪəwɪvɛnt]

➜   i_ɪ ➜ ɑɪ_ʌ ➜   i_ə ➜ ɔɪ_ɑ   ➜  u_ə ➜  u_ə ➜ɑʊ_ɔ ➜oʊ_ə (1)+(2) 둘다 high vowels. ➜ɔ_ɪ ➜ɑ_ə ➜ɔ_ə ➜ə_ɪ

• Based on the datea given in (1)-(3), provide one singel generalization for glide insertion. Then, state the condition for /j/ insertion and the ones for /w/ insertion, respectively.

[답안1]
First, a glide is inserted between two vowwels when the first is a high vowel or a diphthong. The palatal glide /j/ is inserted between the two vowels when the preceding vowel is high front or a diphthong ending with a high front vowel, /aI/ while glide /w/ is inserted after a high back vowel.

[답안2]
Glide insertion occurs between two vowels, the first of which is a high vowel. /j/ is inserted between two vowels, the first of which is a high front vowel. /w/ is inserted between two vowels, the first of which is a high back vowel.

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#B6 - Theta roles + Binding Constraitns + movement

Sentences must satisfy various principles to be grammatically correct. Consider the following sentences. (1) a.  It seems that Tom admires Mary.      b. *Tom seems that he admires Mary. Sentence (1a) is grammatical but setence (1b) is ungrammatical since the matrix subject Tom has no theta role.        Next, consisder sentences containing an anaphor. (2)  a.  Tom thinks that Maryᵢ admires herselfᵢ.       b. *Tomᵢ thinks that Mary admires himselfᵢ. (3) a.  Tom expects Maryᵢ to admire herselfᵢ.      b. *Tomᵢ expects Mary to admire himselfᵢ. Sentences (2a) and (3a) are grammatical since the reflexive pronoun herslef is in the same clause as, and bound by, the antecedent Mary. However, sentences (2b) and (3b) are ungrammatical since the reflexive pronoun himself does not occur in the same clause as the antecedent Tom, violating the binding condition, which requires a reflexive pronoun to be bound by its antecedent in its binding domain, which is the smallest clause containing the anaphor.        Finally, consider the following sentences. (4) a. It seems that Tom is believed to admire Mary.      b. *Tom seems that it is believed to admire Mary. Sentence (4a) is grammatically correct since no violation of grammatical principles has occurred. However, sentence (4b) is ungrammatical since the movment of the matrix subject has violated a constraint which bans a subejct from crossing another subject.

①theta role ➜  *Tom seems that he admires Mary.               ┗ 주어에 의미역 할당 X ②binding condition ➜*Tomᵢ thinks [ that Mary admires himselfᵢ. ]     *Tomᵢ expects [ Mary to admire himselfᵢ. ]      ┗ reflexive pronoun is not bound by its antecedent in its binding domain. ③movement constraint ➜ *Tom seems that ▲it is believed ▲to admire Mary.          ┗ subject crossing another subject.          ┗ 주어가 다른 주어 넘어가면 안 됨.

Consider the following sentence. (5) Tomᵢ appears to Mary to believed by his friends to brag about himself. In the above sentence, the reflexive pronoun himself is in the lowest embedded clause, whereas its antecedent Tom is in the subject position of the matrix clause.

Tomᵢ appears to Mary [ ▲to believed by his friends ] [▲(Tom) to brag about himselfᵢ ]. ➜① brag about himself 에서 theta-role 받음. ② to 부정사 시제로부터 주격 못 받아. ③ 가장 앞쪽으로 raising

• State whether sentence (5) in <B> is syntactically well-formed or ill formed. Then, explain why, discussing whether the matrix subject can be assigned a theta role, whether it violates any movement constraint, and whether the anaphor can be bound.

[답안1]
State whether sentence (5) in <B> is syntactically well-formed or ill formed. 
➜ First, setence (5) is syntactically well-formed.

explain why, discussing whether the matrix subject can be assigned a theta role, 
➜ Second, the matrix subject 'Tom' originates in the subject position of the lowest embedded caluse and is assigned a theta role by the verb phrase 'brag about himself'.

whether the anaphor can be bound.
➜ In this position, the reflexive pronoun(anaphor) 'himself' can be bound by its antecedent 'Tom' in its binding domian, the smallest clause;  thus it does not violate the binding condition.

whether it violates any movement constraint
➜ Then, 'Tom' in the subject of the lowest embedded clause moves to the matrix subject position. This movement does not violate any movement constraint because 'Tom' does not cross any subject.

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[답안2]
State whether sentence (5) in <B> is syntactically well-formed or ill formed. 
➜ Sentence (5) is syntactically well-formed.

explain why, discussing whether the matrix subject can be assigned a theta role, 
➜ The matrix clause 'Tom' is assigned the theta role from the verb 'brag' in the deep structure. 

whether it violates any movement constraint
➜ 'Tom' moves to the matrix subject position to get a nominative case, and it did not cross any other subject durig the movement.

whether the anaphor can be bound.
➜ Plus, the anaphor 'himself' can be boud, as the trace of 'Tom' is within the clause containing the anaphor. 

Thus, sentence (5) is ungrammatical.